En el acontecer homólogo y en el acontecer complementario, tenemos el dominio de fuerzas, localmente centrípetas, en tanto que en el acontecer jerárquico el dominio es de fuerzas centrífugas (Santos, 1996: 126).

— Milton Santos (1996). De la totalidad al lugar. Barcelona: Oikos-Tau.


Islandness is a sense that is absorbed into the bones of islanders through the obstinate and tenacious hold that island communities exert on their native-born as well as on their converts, who experience it as an instantaneous recognition. Islandness thus is an important metacultural phenomenon that helps maintain island communities in spite of daunting economic pressures to abandon them (Conkling, 2007: 200).

— Conkling, P. (2007). On islanders and islandness. The Geographical Review 97(2), 191-201.


Regional development is a complex, global process, consisting of a series of changes aimed at achieving rich personalities within prosperous and democratic society. These changes are observed in the rises of per capita production, educational level and professional and moral qualities of the people, in the people’s political activity, in the use of their standards of living, in widespread cultural life, and in preserving the values of man’s environment. […]

However, not all the changes that occur in a region can be qualified as ‘development’. Only the changes that are accepted by the people concerned as concordant with directional trends can be called ‘development’. By ‘directional trends’ I refer to the conditions under which individual and social aims may be achieved within the scheme of a country’s development policy (Pióro, 1979: 195-196).

— Pióro, Z. (1979). The sociological concept of regional development. In: Kuklinski, A., Kultalahti, O. & Koskiaho, B. Regional dynamics of socioeconomic change, 195-202. Tampere: Finnpublishers.


Many have benefited from globalization, economic restructuring, and the new technologies, but it is also clear that these developments have magnified many existing inequalities in contemporary society, such as between the rich and the poor, between men and women, and between racial and ethnic groups. They have also accentuated other forms of social and political polarization, such as the clash between domestic and immigrant populations over resources, state policies, and civil rights. Cities such as Los Angeles, New York, and London now have income disparities that rank among the highest in the world, and it is no surprise to see new justice movements arising with particular force in these highly globalized city regions (Soja, 2010: 22).

— Soja, E. W. (2010). Seeking spatial justice. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press.


The initial task is, I think, to eliminate imprecise thought processes which conceptually deceive us into handling people as we handle money or goods once we commence the process of aggregation. In order to illustrate this I would like to relate an experience which can hardly be unique. When I was three or four years old my father tried to teach me the principles of banking and we trotted along to the local establishment to deposit what I had accumulated in my savings box, including a very shiny silver crown. The next day I insisted on walking back to the bank to make sure that the people had really guarded my money. The clerk was very understanding and showed me the correct mix of coins. But the shiny crown was not among them and it could not be produced. I decided that savings banks did not really save money (Hägerstrand, 1970: 9).

— Hägerstrand, T. (1970). What about people in regional science? Papers of the Regional Science Association 24(1), 6–21.


…it might be inferred that […] much of political ecology has no articulated guidelines to effect positive change; that it is largely extractive as well as ineffectual, powerless, apolitical (Walker, 2007: 366).

— Walker, P. A. (2007). Political ecology: where is the politics? Progress in Human Geography 31(3), 363-369.


La noción de distancia, en la forma en que se utiliza en las teorías corrientes, es una categoría de uso uniforme, como si todas las instituciones y todas las empresas tuviesen permanente y totalmente a su disposición una red de transportes; como si todos los hombres fuesen capaces de utilizar todas las calles y todos los vehículos bajo condiciones idénticas. Todos sabemos que los hombres no disponen de la misma movilidad. Para muchos hombres, esta idea debería enunciarse de otra manera: los hombres no son igualmente móviles, ni igualmente inmóviles (Santos, 1990: 93-94).

El espacio debe considerarse como un conjunto de relaciones realizadas a través de las funciones y de las formas que se presentan como testimonio de una historia escrita por los procesos del pasado y del presente. Es decir, el espacio se define como un conjunto de formas representativas de las relaciones sociales del pasado y del presente, y por una estructura representada por las relaciones sociales que ocurren ante nuestros ojos y que se manifiestan por medio de los procesos y las funciones. El espacio es, entonces, un verdadero campo de fuerzas cuya aceleración es desigual. Ésta es la razón de que la evolución espacial no se realice de forma idéntica en todos los lugares (Santos, 1990: 138).

La palabra proceso es, en sí misma, otro nombre para el tiempo que pasa (Santos, 1990: 168).

— Milton Santos (1990). Por una geografía nueva. Madrid: Espasa Calpe.